Is There a “Project” to Prioritize Sectarian Identity?

italiatelegraph

Dr. Yasien Alali

Executive Summary
Serious academic literature does not portray sectarianism as an inevitable, predetermined reality; rather, it highlights sectarianization as a politically engineered process fueled by authoritarian structures, regional rivalries, and international interventions. The rise or decline of sectarianism depends on governance systems, resource allocation frameworks, and the rhetoric of media and foreign policy.
Peer-reviewed studies demonstrate that modern sectarianism is not a continuation of theological differences but a political tool for mobilization—constructed through institutional, media, and security engineering—and that it Is reversible through deliberate de-sectarianization policies.
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Dynamics of Sectarianization
Research indicates that local and regional actors instrumentalize sectarian divisions to consolidate power or gain legitimacy in competitive geopolitical contexts, rather than reflecting fixed or ancient social realities.
Comparative studies further show that periods of communal coexistence have historically been the norm, whereas sectarianization waves are relatively recent, linked to the emergence of modern states, the Cold War, and Its aftermath.
Meanwhile, reports monitoring violence and religious restrictions point to a fertile environment for sectarianization:
• An escalation in politically motivated sectarian violence,
• Rising governmental restrictions on religion,
• And the constitutional preference for official religions across most states in the region.
Measuring the Risk of Sectarianization: A Composite Index
The phenomenon can be systematically monitored through four interrelated dimensions updated periodically:
1. Institutional-Legal Indicators
• Constitutional preference for a state religion,
• Government Restrictions Index (GRI) scores,
• “Social hostilities” related to religious identity.
• Pew data show the region records the highest global levels of such restrictions, with 19 of 20 states officially recognizing a preferred religion.
2. Societal-Survey Indicators
• Hierarchies of belonging (national/religious/familial/local),
• Intergroup trust levels and preferences for participatory governance,
• The Arab Barometer (2021–2024) provides robust datasets for such measures.
3. Violence and Discourse Indicators
• Frequency and patterns of sectarian-motivated violence,
• Forced displacement maps and hate speech trends,
• ACLED data (2024–2025) show localized surges in Syria, Lebanon, and Gaza with potential for regional contagion.
4. Geo-Political and Regional Indicators
• Intensity of regional polarization and proxy wars,
• Cross-border media campaigns fueling “lethal identities,”
• Analyses by Chatham House and Crisis Group highlight these linkages extensively.
Insights from the Latest Literature
• Sectarianization Thesis: Roots are political rather than theological; power struggles outweigh any deterministic sectarian identities. Addressing structural governance failures and resource inequities is key, not mere rhetoric of tolerance.
• De-sectarianization Literature: Offers pathways through institutional redesign, cross-identity coalitions, transitional justice, and civic education—tested in Iraq, Lebanon, and Bahrain.
• Critical Identity Studies: Warn against the overuse of “sectarianism” as a simplistic explanatory category, urging analysis of how identities are politically constructed and mobilized.
• Policy Evidence: RAND and similar policy institutes caution against institutional engineering that entrenches sectarian divisions, advocating for the resolution of localized political grievances.
Roadmap for Practical Solutions
1. Constitutional and Electoral Reforms: Design cross-identity electoral systems discouraging permanent sectarian quotas.
2. Decentralization with National Solidarity: Devolve service delivery powers while linking fiscal transfers to performance and transparency rather than identity lines.
3. Transitional Justice and Shared Memory Policies: Document victims inclusively to prevent politicization of historical grievances.
4. Civic Education and Responsible Media: Reform curricula, introduce media literacy, and establish independent bodies to monitor hate speech and incitement.
5. Regional Diplomacy for De-escalation: Build collective security mechanisms, non-intervention norms, and regional media codes of conduct with UN backing.
6. Annual Public Metrics: A national-regional composite index linking the four measurement pillars to concrete policy outcomes.
Conclusion
Sectarianism in the Middle East is not a cultural or religious inevitability; it is a political variable shaped by governance structures, institutional engineering, and identity politics.
The latest scholarship converges on the view that de-sectarianization requires constitutional, societal, and regional reforms that strengthen equal citizenship while weakening the structural incentives for politicizing religious and communal identities.